On 26 November 2025, at 10:00 AM UTC, Umaro Sissoco Embaló, the president of Guinea-Bissau, was dragged from his residence in Bissau by armed soldiers as gunfire cracked through the capital. The arrest came just hours before the official announcement of results from the 23 November general election — a vote many feared was already doomed by fraud, exclusion, and fear. By midday, tanks rolled down Avenida Amílcar Cabral, and military units seized the Interior Ministry and the National Electoral Commission. Civilians fled in panic. The country, already fragile, had slipped into another military takeover — its seventh since independence in 1974.
What Led to the Coup?
The 2025 election was never going to be normal. On 10 November, the Supreme Court disqualified Domingos Simões Pereira, the former prime minister and standard-bearer of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), over disputed citizenship papers. The PAIGC — the very party that led Guinea-Bissau to independence from Portugal in 1974 — was barred from running its candidate. That left the field wide open for Embaló, who had already spent years weakening democratic institutions. The move sparked outrage from 17 civil society groups, including CONCONE, and international observers. By August, ECOWAS had pulled its 45-member observer mission after being threatened with expulsion. The election was a charade before it began.
Unofficial tallies showed Embaló leading with 52.3% — but his opponent, Fernando Dias of the Resistance of Guinea-Bissau-Bafatá Movement, was close behind at 48.7%, according to PAIGC’s internal polling. Embaló’s camp claimed Dias’s supporters were trying to sabotage the vote. Dias’s allies said the opposite: that Embaló was preparing to fake a coup to cling to power. Both narratives were plausible. Neither side trusted the other. And no one trusted the courts.
The Coup Unfolds
At 10:15 AM on 26 November, soldiers in full combat gear blocked every entrance to the presidential palace. Witnesses described a scene of chaos: automatic weapons fired into the air, windows shattered, armored vehicles parked outside the National Electoral Commission. Around 300 staff and civilians were trapped inside the Plateau district buildings for over an hour. By 11:30 AM, the streets were under military control.
The architect of the operation? Brigadier General Dinis Incanha, Embaló’s own appointee as Head of the Military Office of the Presidency since March 2023. It was a betrayal from within. Incanha, once loyal, now led the Presidential Guard Battalion and the Rapid Reaction Unit — the very forces meant to protect the president. Within hours, he announced the formation of the High Military Command for the Restoration of National Security and Public Order, declaring total control.
Who Took Power?
By the next morning, the military had a new face: General Horta Inta-A Na Man, army chief of staff since January 2024. At 9:00 AM on 27 November, he appeared on state television, flanked by officers in fatigues, and announced a one-year transition period — ending precisely on 27 November 2026. No elections. No parliament. No parties. Decree-Law No. 1/2025, issued at 10:30 AM that day, dissolved the National People's Assembly and suspended all political activity. The constitution? Put on ice.
"This is not a coup," Horta insisted. "It is a necessary intervention to prevent civil war." But the world saw differently. The United Nations, the African Union, and the European Union issued statements condemning the move as "a direct assault on democracy." Portugal, Guinea-Bissau’s former colonial ruler, recalled its ambassador.
Opposition Fires Back
Domingos Simões Pereira, who was meeting with election observers at the Hotel Eden when the shooting started, held a press conference at 1:45 PM on 26 November. "This isn’t an opposition coup," he said, voice shaking but clear. "This is a staged performance by a president who knew he lost. He wanted to blame us so he could declare an emergency and stay in power. We didn’t need tanks to win — we had the people. Now he’s taken them away."
His words echoed through Bissau’s neighborhoods. Young men in the Cuntum district burned tires. Women gathered outside the military camp, holding photos of their sons who joined the army — now turned against their own country. "We voted," one grandmother told a reporter. "They stole our voices. Now they’re stealing our future."
Why This Matters Beyond Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau has long been a cautionary tale. A country rich in cashew nuts and potential, but plagued by coups, drug trafficking, and weak institutions. Every military takeover since 2003 has been followed by international pressure, sanctions, and promises of democracy. None have lasted. ECOWAS, once a strong voice for regional stability, has grown increasingly fractured — its credibility damaged by its own silence in the face of repeated abuses.
This coup isn’t just about one man losing an election. It’s about what happens when institutions are hollowed out, when courts become tools of the powerful, and when the military sees itself as the ultimate arbiter of legitimacy. If the world does nothing, it sends a message: that coups still work. That elections can be erased. That democracy is optional.
What’s Next?
The clock is ticking. The High Military Command has promised elections in exactly one year — but no one believes them. No independent media. No opposition parties. No credible electoral body. The international community is calling for dialogue, but who will sit at the table? Embaló is in detention. Pereira is under virtual house arrest. Dias is in hiding. The generals have all the guns.
One thing is clear: the 2026 election, if it happens, will be neither free nor fair. And by then, Guinea-Bissau may have lost not just its democracy — but its last chance to rebuild it peacefully.
Frequently Asked Questions
Who is General Horta Inta-A Na Man, and why was he chosen to lead the military government?
General Horta Inta-A Na Man has served as Guinea-Bissau’s army chief of staff since January 2024, after rising through the ranks with minimal public profile. He was chosen because he’s seen as loyal to the military establishment, not tied to any political faction. Unlike previous coup leaders, he has no history of running for office — making him a "neutral" figurehead in the military’s eyes. But his lack of political experience raises concerns about long-term governance.
Why was the PAIGC barred from the presidential election?
The PAIGC’s candidate, Domingos Simões Pereira, was disqualified on 10 November 2025 over disputed citizenship documentation — a claim widely seen as politically motivated. The Supreme Court’s ruling came after months of pressure from Embaló’s allies. The PAIGC, founded in 1956, had dominated politics for decades. Its exclusion effectively removed the only party with national reach and grassroots support, making the election a contest between minor factions and the incumbent.
What role did ECOWAS play before the coup?
ECOWAS withdrew its 45-member election observer mission on 12 August 2025 after the Guinean government threatened to expel them. The bloc had previously mediated past crises, but its influence had weakened due to internal divisions and inconsistent enforcement. Their withdrawal was a death knell for the election’s legitimacy. Without monitors, fraud flourished — and the military used that chaos to justify their takeover.
How has the public reacted inside Guinea-Bissau?
Public reaction has been mixed but increasingly defiant. While some fear retaliation, others have taken to social media with #NaoAoGolpe (#NoToTheCoup). In Bissau’s neighborhoods, spontaneous gatherings have formed to share food and information. Teachers, doctors, and students are organizing silent protests. The military has not yet cracked down violently — but they’ve arrested several journalists and blocked internet access. The silence is louder than the gunfire.
Can the international community do anything?
Yes — but only if they act decisively. Sanctions on military leaders, freezing assets, and cutting off military aid could pressure the junta. The African Union has suspended Guinea-Bissau’s membership. The U.S. and EU have issued condemnations but no concrete penalties. Without unified, targeted action, the generals will see the world’s outrage as empty words — and continue ruling without accountability.
Is there any hope for a return to democracy?
It’s not impossible, but it’s fading fast. The one-year transition window is a trap — it gives the military time to entrench power, co-opt loyalists, and rewrite the rules. Real hope lies in sustained pressure from civil society, regional allies like Senegal and Cape Verde, and the diaspora. But without international leverage, the generals will simply delay, distract, and delay again — until the world moves on.
Bro this is straight out of a Michael Moore documentary. They disqualify the only real party, let the guy who’s been gutting democracy run unopposed, then when he loses? Boom - military shows up like it’s a bad Netflix series. This isn’t politics, it’s farce with guns.
lol so the guy who got caught stealing votes last time is now the victim? classic. they always say ‘we had no choice’ after they pull the trigger. also the name ‘Horta Inta-A Na Man’ sounds like a rejected fantasy novel character
It’s heartbreaking to see how easily institutions crumble when power is concentrated and trust is absent. This isn’t just about Guinea-Bissau - it’s a mirror for every democracy that takes its systems for granted. The people who voted, who believed, who showed up - they’re the ones paying the price. We owe them more than hashtags.
Key insight: institutional hollowing + asymmetric power consolidation + external actor disengagement = perfect storm for hybrid authoritarianism. ECOWAS’s withdrawal wasn’t passive - it was a strategic capitulation that enabled the coup architecture. This is a textbook case study in democratic decay.
man this hits different 😔 the way those women held up photos of their sons... i just wanna hug every person in bissau right now. we gotta do better than silence. 🌍✊
Oh wow, another African nation gets ‘saved’ by its own army. Next they’ll hand out medals to the generals and call it ‘The Great Reset.’ Tell me again how this isn’t just colonialism with a new uniform?
THIS IS WHY WE CAN’T HAVE NICE THINGS!!! 😤 People voted, they trusted the process, and now it’s all gone? No way! We can’t let this slide! Let’s flood the UN with petitions, tag every embassy, make this trend worldwide!! #JusticeForGuineaBissau
The military didn’t create this crisis - they exploited it. The real failure is the slow erosion of judicial independence, the silence of regional bodies, and the normalization of fraud. Rebuilding will require more than elections - it needs truth commissions, civic education, and a new social contract.
Why should we care? India has its own problems. These African nations can’t even run an election without chaos. Maybe they need stronger leadership, not democracy.
They had one job - hold an election. And they blew it. Now the army takes over. Duh. This is what happens when you let weak leaders run things. No brain, no future.
Let’s be real - this is all part of the New World Order’s grand design to destabilize post-colonial nations and replace them with technocratic military-corporate hybrids. The disqualification? A psyop. The ‘election’? A simulation. And the ‘coup’? A controlled demolition to reset the narrative. They’re watching us. Always.
Another coup. Another lie. Another country broken. We’re just spectators now. Nothing changes. Nothing ever will.
i keep thinking about that grandma with the photo… what if my mom was there? what if my brother was one of those soldiers? it’s not just politics - it’s families. i’m just so sad.
ECOWAS pulled out because they knew the election was rigged. But they didn’t say it. That silence gave the military the green light. Institutional cowardice is just as dangerous as the coup itself.
what if the real solution isn’t more pressure from outside… but more organization from within? what if the teachers, the doctors, the students - what if they’re already building something quieter, slower, but stronger?
Democracy isn’t a system. It’s a habit. A daily choice to listen, to trust, to show up - even when you’re afraid. Guinea-Bissau didn’t lose an election. It lost the habit. And habits, once broken, are the hardest to rebuild.
People keep saying ‘the world must act.’ But the world has already acted - it looked away. And now it’s too late. This is what happens when you let moral laziness become policy.